Over the past decades, Europe has faced significant political changes, marked by the rise of both far-right and far-left parties, and one of the issues associated with the rise of far-right parties is the increase in immigration. After Second World War, Europe saw significantly increased migration flows, while immigration to Europe constituted a bigger share of those movements, especially those coming from former colonies and neighbouring regions. While the United Kingdom (hereinafter: the UK) received immigrants from the Caribbean and South Asia and France from North Africa, Germany attracted “guest workers” from Türkiye. These movements of people were largely driven by labour market needs and were generally accepted as necessary for economic growth at the time. However, the 21st century was marked by a different kind of migration, and a large number of refugees coming from conflict zones, such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria, were seeking asylum in Europe. The widespread public concern and political repercussions began to increase as the healthcare systems, housing, social services, and employment markets of many European states started to get overloaded.
A fundamental part of the strategy to face the “root causes” of migration was providing development aid, particularly to Africa. Despite Africa not being currently the primary source of migrants and asylum seekers in Europe, European politicians saw it as a potential future hotspot due to Africa’s rapid population growth, economic difficulties and ongoing violent conflicts, which they believed could provoke irregular migration in the long term. This approach reflects a preventive strategy, targeting regions that are seen as future sources of migratory pressure, even though they are not immediate contributors to the current migration wave. But, by focusing on Africa, European politicians signal a broader concern about geopolitical stability and demographic trends rather than merely responding to present migration flows, and their response suggests that addressing migration is not only about handling existing situations but also about mitigating future risks in regions where systemic factors might one day contribute to new migration crises.
Economic, National Identity and Security Concerns
The rise of far-right parties in Europe cannot be attributed solely to concerns over immigration. While immigration has played a central role in their growth, it is deeply interconnected with broader anxieties about economic instability, national identity and security. As immigration increased, public fears were magnified by economic crises, particularly the 2008 global financial crisis, which caused widespread unemployment, social discontent and an economic downturn that was largely driven by the forces of globalisation, leaving many feeling unprotected by national institutions. When it comes to national identity, they emphasise the cultural and religious differences between natives and immigrants. They argue that the increase in immigrants, especially those coming from Muslim-majority countries, threatens the national cultures and traditions, so the emphasis on protecting national culture and values from foreign influence is a justification for people who feel they are being threatened. As for economic stability, the narrative comes from the competition between immigrants and native workers for jobs, which depresses wages and overcrowds public services. Paradoxically, there is also a conflicting argument that immigrants do not work and, instead, burden the welfare system, creating a complex and contradictory discourse surrounding their impact on the economy. These arguments can be more persuasive in states that are facing high unemployment rates and economic stagnation, and far-right parties position themselves as defenders of the native working class, prioritising their needs over those of immigrants because they fear that immigrants might take jobs or reduce wages. However, immigrants often take jobs that natives usually refuse, whether due to salary or poor working conditions. The far-right also highlights concerns about public safety. For example, terrorist attacks in major European cities have heightened fears about the relationship between immigration and terrorism, and these political parties argue that some immigration policies are ineffective and might tend to increase the risk of crime and terrorism. Public fear grows as the far-right associates immigration with security threats. For instance, in Portugal in 2023 and according to CNN Portugal, the Judiciary Police arrested more people than in 2022, but the percentage of foreigners arrested by the authorities decreased, and the data reveals a slight drop in the percentage of foreign detainees in the nation. This false narrative linking crime and security has led to support for stricter immigration controls and tougher security measures.
The Normalisation and Growth of Far-Right Movements and Their Impact
The reasons for the rise of far-right parties are not the same across Europe, but they can be related to many common factors depending on the country. One of the most important factors is the progressive normalisation of the far-right wing, which is getting significant aid from the media. These parties defend monocultural states by imagining a Europe dominated by strong, sovereign nation-states, and even though they support aspects of European integration, they believe they can reform the European Union (hereinafter: the EU) from within. Two significant aspects underpin their rise: one is modernisation, including a degree of moderation, and the other is the disappointment with mainstream politics, particularly on issues like immigration and national identity. This shift has made far-right political parties appear more moderate, although their main ideologies remain, basically, unchanged. A notable exception is their stance on Russia. For example, Giorgia Meloni, the current Italian Prime Minister, who once congratulated Vladimir Putin, now shows her support for Ukraine to align with the ideals of the EU and regain sympathy in Brussels. Another point to consider is the fact that National Rally, led by Marine Le Pen in France, reflects the far-right’s evolution, along with other parties like Chega in Portugal, Vox in Spain and Fidesz in Hungary. Additionally, they have a history of anti-Semitic rhetoric and actions, and their position has not changed. Several contemporary far-right parties and groups have been documented expressing or endorsing anti-Semitic views, as seen in their public statements or political platforms and their historical connections to racist ideological groups, such as those with roots in fascist or nationalist movements, also contribute to their continuing presence of these views.
However, far-right parties have decided to support Israel against Palestine because they would rather support Israelis than any Muslim nation. This shift is motivated by their strong opposition to Islam, which reflects a continuation of the socially constructed “civilised/uncivilised”[1] divide that has historically shaped European and Neo-European perceptions of Muslim nations. Just as British attitudes once viewed Arabs through a lens of racial and cultural superiority, contemporary far-right ideologies often align with pro-Israel stances as a way to contrast themselves against what they perceive as an “Islamic threat”. An example related to this is the fact that Le Pen and Meloni started to build connections with Jewish communities in France and Italy. Paradoxically, within certain far-right factions, Israel has long been admired as an ideal state by representing an ethnic Jewish nation that they aspire to replicate because this admiration highlights their vision defined by a singular ethnic identity that aligns with their goals for their own nations. Religion, particularly Christianity, plays a central role in this ideology. Many right-wing parties defend the preservation of Christian values and cultures, which they claim are being jeopardised by Islam through the rising share of Muslim immigrants in the population that dilute the Christian presence. This notion aligns with their desire to strengthen Christian principles and establish a society that has religion as a key factor in bringing people together as a nation.
Another critical factor in understanding attitudes towards immigration is the legacy of the mindset of colonialism that implies hierarchical differences between cultures, and this belief still shapes how immigration is perceived today in European nations and their descendants. The colonial ideologies passed through the ideas of racial superiority, cultural hierarchy and economic exploitation, and the European conquests were often rationalised by the belief that they were bringing progress and development to other societies. Since far-right parties exploit these notions to argue that immigration threatens national identity and social cohesion, as mentioned before, they portray immigrants as incompatible with European values. However, this rhetoric tends to target, particularly, immigrants coming from nations that are not direct descendants from European nations or societies. The long-standing ties between states like the UK, France and Portugal and their former colonies have established migration routes that persist to this day, and, for instance, significant populations from India reside in the UK, North Africans in France and Brazilians and Angolans in Portugal. Moreover, considering that colonised nations were left with fragile economies and limited opportunities, the citizens had a strong motivation to seek better lives abroad. Furthermore, it is crucial to mention that the increase in rhetoric and sentiments characterised by racism – discrimination based on racial or ethnic group- and xenophobia-prejudices against people from other nations – often depicts immigrants as inferior and dangerous, and this shift is closely related to the rise of far-right parties. These parties, through fears about cultural and economic threats, promote divisive narratives to gather support, which ends up causing an increase in social tensions. This manipulation not only fuels prejudice but also drives policies that marginalise immigrant communities, and, as a result, the influence of the far right worsens social divisions and impedes efforts toward inclusive integration, reinforcing cycles of discrimination and intolerance that challenge the democratic principle of equality and respect for diversity.
Conclusion
Overall, the rapid growth of immigration and the influx of refugees into Europe have contributed to the rise of far-right parties on the continent. If they continue to gain power, they may have more influence on European institutions and their functioning and stability, leading to complications. These complications could include stricter immigration policies and increased social divisions, which might not only affect immigrants but also create challenges for European societies, such as heightened internal conflicts and weakened social cohesion. The support and will of various political parties could be crucial in addressing the challenges posed by parties advocating for more radical changes to European policies and institutions, and it is important to recognise that solutions should be developed through a nuanced and balanced approach, considering a range of perspectives. As the discrimination against immigrants is deeply rooted in the economic asymmetry between the social groups, this discrepancy often fuels fears and negative perceptions. In the end, this can be traced back to the natural condition of resource competition increasingly influenced by economic competitiveness in a globalised world, and far-right political parties’ rise can also be attributed to the instrumentalisation of those instincts. To address this issue, there are two approaches: first, focusing on reducing economic discrepancies among nations through enhanced international economic cooperation. This would not only address global economic imbalances but also acknowledge the cultural and social dimensions of immigration. Economic asymmetry, driven by differences in affluence, often exacerbates these issues, and instead of reducing immigration, policies should focus on managing it in ways that benefit both host nations and immigrants, fostering and addressing economic inequalities within nations as well. Secondly, investing in local economic initiatives within immigrant-receiving regions can help mitigate the reasons for discrimination. Ideally, the approaches are mixed to achieve maximum effectiveness and reduce social friction and economic performance. That way, immigration rates may be moderated, and foreigners who are migrating can better contribute to and benefit from the economic growth of their host nations.
Although immigration does not degrade the wages or employment of workers, there is still a negative reaction to unskilled immigrants, and they feel unprotected and vulnerable against structural changes. This highlights the need to increase training investment to make them better prepared for increased competition in the labour market. To address concerns about how immigration could potentially overcrowd and deteriorate public services, it is important to adopt and invest in measures to maintain their quality and fair distribution. Moreover, efforts should be made to promote the economic and social education of locals, next to the integration of immigrants. These integration efforts include, for example, the implementation of comprehensive language courses, job-search assistance and stricter legal action against discrimination. Additionally, structural measures such as tax incentives for companies that hire and train immigrants, adjustments in retirement policies to address labour shortages and strengthening national identity by promoting shared values and inclusivity through comprehensive social programmes throughout all societal layers can help Europeans better embrace cultural diversity and reduce the feeling of threat from other cultures.