How to Stop Israel

The best way to make somebody do something is to create structures that lead this person, organisation or state to do it. Obviously, there is always the possibility of making use of our free will and acting virtuously without having the structural setting to do so. However, the overwhelming majority of people are not capable of sustainably following the path of virtue. Often, the exact opposite is the case. Justifications, bending of rules and norms and self-victimisation are used to avoid the exercise of a virtuous life. If you, however, want somebody to do something, you would need to identify a person’s position and interaction pattern with the pyramid of happiness. According to where the person, organisation or state can be categorised, you can formulate your ideas as solutions to the problems this person has at the respective level of the pyramid. Finally, there is the question of how to make somebody stop what they do. In the case of Israel, we see an indecent state actor that continuously violates nearly all norms, rules and principles of virtuous statecraft. Whether it is extortion, human trafficking, child abuse, oppression of women and social minorities, psychological warfare, undermining the freedoms of speech and religion or the use of coordinated violence for socially constructed reasons, Israel breaks with the fundamental ideas of what politics is and should be. With the current invasion of Lebanon, the war with Iran and the ongoing conquest of remaining lands inhabited by Palestinians, the international state community and many different societies ask themselves: How can we stop Israel?

This solution paper is divided into two parts: 1. explaining Israel’s state behaviour, 2. determining the solution from that behaviour and implementing the solution.

Explaining Israel

Explaining Israel as a state, society, policymaking entity, or economy is one of the simplest tasks in political science. All of these elements above are reliably predictable, which we have also done over the last few years. The reason for this predictability and the ease with which Israeli state behaviour can be explained is the amount and simplicity of the driving motives behind its state behaviour. Everything the state of Israel does stems from a belief in a certain command from the Jewish cultural manifesto prescribing the subjugation of all other races. Although this cultural constitution of the Jewish society is a socially constructed work whose author is unknown, it has shown remarkable resilience and proliferation capacity. Surely, this is due to the interplay of various emotional and mythical elements in the writing, both structurally and linguistically. However, all elements in this work support the core command of subjugating other races for the well-being of the Jews. Since the day of writing and the first proliferation of this cultural manifesto around little more than 2000 years ago, the Jewish society adopted this core norm in their thinking, belief system and behaviour. From this point onwards, the Jewish society has been fully socialised and conditioned to believe in the validity of this command and the truthfulness of its underlying assumption. Paired with the absence of ethical norms, rules and traditions and the legitimisation of unethical behaviour, the supporting framework of the core command to subjugate does allow for a wide range of operational freedom. One of the example figures in this cultural manifesto is Lot. Portrayed as a respectable and important person, he does serve as one of the role models in this work, even though his actions include incest, infidelity and child abuse.

It follows that the normative framework that guides Jewish societal behaviour is based on two pillars: 1. subjugation of all other races, and 2. no ethical boundaries in doing so. Now, when we examine Israeli politics, especially after the Turkish rule lost sovereignty in sub-Anatolian lands, the results show that nearly all foreign policy actions taken by Israel display those two core attributes from their cultural manifesto. This includes, among other things that lack more empiric evidence, all Arab-Israeli wars, human trafficking and extortion campaigns in North American politics, the coup in Iran in 1953, involvement in money laundering operations and installation of a satellite government in Ukraine, financial markets manipulation and international radicalisation campaigns. Considering the high influence density of Israel’s international politics, its foreign policy is highly coherent, consistent and successful within the self-created framework. Measured against the global population of roughly 20 million, the impact on other nations in the direction of subjugation and exploitation is very high. This means that decision-making in Israeli foreign policy is also highly effectiveness-driven. It is one thing to have a specific goal and eliminate all normative and ethical challenges to achieving this goal. However, it does not follow that each measure is taken with full force or complete disregard for other societies. The impact density, however, suggests just that. Adding the temporal dimension to this perspective, we can see that the impact density has also been paired with rapid progress within the set goals over the last two centuries. On the other hand, this, again, aids the quite accurate understanding of state behaviour and increases our projection capacity. In short: Each of Israel’s next policy moves will be directed towards the expansion of the Jewish race, territorially and socially, while the sequential steps will be taken as quickly as possible and as independently as necessary, even including acts against the own population.

What Does That Mean for The Solution?

First of all, it needs to be quite clear that a solution always implies some sort of assessment of Israel’s state behaviour, which is not in the true sense of advanced political analysis. Jews have a mutually agreed goal based on a mutually agreed framework of norms and rules, regardless of how much they align with other frameworks. Within this framework and with this goal in mind, and exclusively within the light of these two factors, Jews have been tremendously successful with their conduct. Therefore, the assessment of Israel’s state behaviour must be a very positive one if one’s thoughts align with the goal and the normative framework of the Jews, as it is the guiding principle of Israel’s state behaviour. However, if one does not agree with the idea of Jews being bound to subjugate other races, then Israel’s state behaviour must be assessed as inherently detrimental and destructive. There is also a third view, which is that the actions can be assessed from the standpoint of the objective truth, a methodological approach that is the cornerstone of Essydo Politics. Ontologically, this means that there is an independently existing truth defining the properties of the universe. Our thoughts and views are surely part of this truth, and there is an explanation and logical reason behind every thought and action, but it does not follow that they display this truth. Within this ontological framework, the popular anti-Jewish stance against Jews is just as wrong as the false desire to dominate all other societies. Both are detrimental views that can be easily rejected by referring to the concept of genuine knowledge production. Other than devletist thinking, the Jewish and the anti-Jewish thinking traditions aim at undermining the reproductive capacity of individuals and societies on the grounds of insufficiency. Devletism, on the other hand, aims at extracting maximum societal value from each individual and society by developing their special trait and culture. We need to understand that the underdeveloped nature of pro- and anti-Jewish views is the core of all political problems with Israel, as it follows from here that the thought framework in relation to Jews needs to be reconstructed.

Naturally, such a reconstruction of the sociological, discursive and societal framework in relation to Jews needs some basic physical mechanisms that need to be implemented and consolidated over many centuries to make a peaceful reintegration of Jews into the global society possible while preserving their special trait and preventing other nations from falling into inefficiencies arising from Israeli intervention. Unfortunately, those frameworks unfold their effects with the number of people who subconsciously apply those frameworks. If we want to create meaningful, effective and efficient societal frameworks, we need to craft solutions that help people rewire their subconscious perception of the Jews and help Jews to reflect on their true relationship with other societies. The most effective and most efficient way to do this is by channeling consumption. Directing our purchasing power and cognitive attention is the vehicle that shapes perceptions and even creates perceived realities by fostering the growth of what we consume. As mentioned above, just because there is an idea that one firmly believes in, it does not mean that there is validity attached to it. However, this does not mean that detrimental views that are wrongfully perceived as right cannot grow because the demand for them is high – the opposite is the case. In contemporary democracies, this mechanism is used to artificially create perceived and believed realities. Using this method for the advantage of society works, of course, equally well, though sustainable execution of such measures is more exposed to risks as there are dependencies on those who lead the ideational transformation. In short, political problems in relation to Israel can only be solved when Jews stop believing that other races must submit to them. Jews will stop believing in this command when reality signals them that such a thought is detrimental to them. This can be done by taking away the fundament of this belief to flourish further and thrive. This fundament is the emotional attention to the contents produced by Jews and the demand for material consumption of products produced by Jews.

The Solution: Ignoring

Beliefs can only be sustained if repeatedly expressed and discussed. The nature of the discussion is often secondary, while repetition is the primary vehicle for keeping beliefs, ideas, opinions and ideologies alive. In the Jewish case, it is the belief in a certain constellation with other races, but we can also think about the repetitive nature of religious messages. The faster proliferation of Islam compared to Christianity can surely be tied to the firmer belief of its Muslim followers, who repeat the holy message manifold more often than Christians. Every mental construct, whether we talk about ideas, ideologies, beliefs or even fantasies, gains strength through attention. Knowing this, it is paramount to deprive the Jewish cause of the attention necessary to fuel their community interaction. Anti-Jewish thought is one of the most prominent features that strengthen the coordinated action within the Jewish community, its belief in a racial hierarchy and, ultimately, Israeli state behaviour against other nations. The narrative of Israel that the world is against them is a policy tool that is used to gather support from the citizens to legitimise violent and manipulative state action. Before the founding of Israel, the perceived hatred against Jews has always been a recurring theme within this ethnic community to increase inner-communal reliance and cooperation by framing togetherness as a necessity in the wake of supposed threats by hostile others. In the context of the hierarchical command from their cultural constitution, the belief in the hostility of all other races towards Jews is a cornerstone of their inner-communal organisation and the driver of Israeli foreign policy. In other words, it is important for the Jewish community and the Israeli state that other races pay negative attention to them as it fuels the motivation to cooperate more closely against others, fulfilling the command from their cultural constitution.

The first part of the solution to Israeli state behaviour is to stop anti-Jewish discourse. To be very clear: Israeli state action can still be invalid and illegitimate. The solution’s first part aims to end the strong focus on Israel in the discussion of cultural behaviour and foreign policy action to take away an important motivational factor of the Jewish community that fuels the antagonistic actions against others. By simply ignoring the emotional discourse around this community and removing the hate from the discourse, one of the most important tools of inner-communal cooperation is taken away, making the legitimisation of harmful state action more difficult in the long run. Surely, professional policy actions against Israel need to be taken where suitable. However, by not paying emotional attention to the actors behind the detrimental action, we can take away much of their power. Depriving this state and its citizens of a solid, emotion-laden identity in the global discourse reduces the negative public opinion on them and also the perceived power of their operations. Especially in the realm of illicit hypotheses and myths on how members of this small community influence the entertainment and finance sectors, a lot of popular hate is produced that actually strengthens the community as those myths reproduce a perceived reality. As we have seen above, even wrong ideas and beliefs can turn into perceived realities when always repeated, influencing the material reality, as well. Therefore, if there is the goal to stop negative state behaviour, the discursive basis and normative driver of this behaviour needs to be taken away, which is the negative emotional and cognitive attention of the global public on this small community. Simply ignoring the myths and theories and fully concentrating on the policy solutions within the context of the respective political problems are the most effective actions for sustainable solutions to conflicts with this state and the successful reintegration of this nation into the global community.

The Solution: Consumption Discipline

Next to the emotional and discursive action that can be taken to reduce Israeli state efficiency, there is also a material dimension within which action adds to the very same goal. Disciplining consumption decisions in favour of goods, services and, most importantly, information that is detached from Israel is the strongest tool to also discipline Israeli state behaviour. Surely, this is not only confined to this sub-Anatolian nation but holds true for all nations in the world. Where actors are deprived of attention (as explained above) and material resources, their room to take action is severely limited, as is the impact of action that is ultimately taken. When there is no demand for what an actor has to say or to sell, its value decreases, and the actor loses power. In a competitive, materially oriented state system, as the contemporary one, this forces the actor to rearrange its behaviour to reattract demand. Traditionally, Israel has used psychological and public diplomacy mechanisms to artificially create demand for goods, services and information that reproduce the Israeli agenda, which is why there has been directed so much attention to this little sub-Anatolian state. Through the utilisation of the United States of America as a satellite state, the economic power has been used to promote an extensive production network that reproduces popular demand and adds to the economic support of Israel. For example, movie and media production have promoted the ideational reproduction of consumerist lifestyles that, in turn, amplified the economic growth in other areas. Also, the perception of norms and values has been shaped in this direction by the mass use of personal media platforms. Physical production in the United States of America has largely been directed towards entertainment, luxury and comfort-enhancing products. Of course, the emerging resources from directed consumption are not solely used to support and finance Euro-American and Israeli foreign policy, but the consumption focus has strengthened coordinated action between those two nations that mutually reinforce their similar policy agenda. In short, Israeli politics utilises coordinated Jewish business power in the United States of America to dominate the knowledge landscape, create material means through production and channel those two resource streams back to the benefit of Israel through the political system of this satellite state.

In the end, this system is dependent on the cooperation of the broader public that displays desired consumption patterns. Primarily concerning the Euro-American region, buying luxury items, consuming personal media content, relying on popular news coverage and adopting a high replacement rate of goods reproduce the ideational and material dominance of Israel. If someone has come to the conclusion not to support Israeli state action, this person must discipline his consumption in a way that avoids goods, services and information from the Euro-American regional and cultural sphere. Surely, concentrated boycotts can be helpful in exerting pressure on political actors, but they are usually short-lived and emotional, massively reducing the impact on politics. An indistinctive consumption realignment is much more effective as unrelated businesses that are harmed by such coordinated action will quickly exert added lobbying pressure on the relevant political actors. Also, turning away from state-controlled and state-related news media will create ideational resilience against psychological public diplomacy. All relevant goods, services and information are also available in other nations with comparable quality. Access might be more difficult, but the usually lower prices and positive societal effects of redirecting purchasing power away from the Euro-American zone make more than up for the extra effort. Arguably, the utilisation of free will to make normative consumption decisions to exert sovereignty on (international) politics is the pinnacle of democratic behaviour. Meanwhile, following consumerist trends is the purest form of accepting a dictatorship. If the citizen lets the psychological effects of media and production supply dictate the personal spending behaviour detached from genuine taste and opinion, then this is to be viewed as full submission to the supplier. As total subjugation of the non-Jewish public is the ultimate goal of the Jewish community, it is a natural consequence for the general consumer to avoid following such consumption preferences by directing purchasing decisions away. By doing that, the operational range of Israeli state behaviour is significantly limited, which is paramount when we discuss ways to stop detrimental Israeli state behaviour.

In total, the aim must be to discipline oneself to consume in a devletist way. Everything that promotes genuine knowledge is worthy of consumption, as consumption turns into investment at that very moment. It reduces detrimental state behaviour of nations that cross boundaries of the objective good. Simultaneously, devletist consumption behaviour promotes sustainable and productive international growth as the purchasing power amplifies the positive effects of genuine knowledge production. In the case of Israel, the nation would then adapt to devletist principles and have a chance to be reintegrated into the global state community, also producing genuine knowledge.